A younger Nick Griffin (left) with his then National Front colleague Derek Holland visiting Libya in 1988.

Today’s Times reports the arrival of Nick Griffin in Lebanon, and no doubt tomorrow’s papers will update the story now that the BNP leader has crossed the border into Syria and arrived in Damascus.

We have made many criticisms of Nick Griffin over the years, but several of his recent statements would not be out of place in Heritage and Destiny!

• Distancing the BNP from the cretinous Zionist thuggery of the English Defence League.
• Arguing against successive British governments’ wars for Israel.
• Defending the Syrian government against relentless Western propaganda, and exposing the terrorism of anti-Assad rebels.
• Endorsing the Lebanese Shia party Hezbollah in recent online comments.

That said, The Times is justified in pointing out the remarkable contortions and contradictions in Mr Griffin’s comments on the Middle East over the years.

During the mid-1980s he was a leading spokesman for the most militantly anti-Zionist faction of British nationalism, which became the “political soldier” faction of the National Front, and eventually the “International Third Position”.  In this capacity he visited the Libyan capital Tripoli in 1988 and sought funds from Col. Gadaffi.

As leader of the BNP after 1999 he remained pro-Gadaffi, but only because he saw the Libyan dictator as anti-Islamist, and by now Mr Griffin was hostile to all Muslims – apparently endorsing neo-conservative notions of a “clash of civilisations” between Islam and the West.

In January 2009 for example Mr Griffin criticised the BBC for “anti-Israel bias” and condemned “neo-nazi cranks” within nationalism who opposed Israel, saying that the destruction of the Zionist state would “inspire and radicalise a whole new generation of Jihadist fanatics”.

Mr Griffin now concluded that the survival of Israel was “in our clear national interest”.

Only a year or two ago, Mr Griffin was still condemning both the “Sunni and Shiite fundamentalists in Saudi Arabia and Iran”.  Now he seems to have decided (correctly as it happens) that only the Saudi Wahhabis should be criticised (though in H&D‘s view he should go a lot further in his historical analysis of this phenomenon).

Some cynics might argue that Mr Griffin has no genuine ideological (still less scholarly) interest in the region, and is motivated solely by the search for cheap headlines and potential donors.

But perhaps we should not be too cynical, and as Mr Griffin follows the road to Damascus we should remember the words of St Luke’s gospel:

I say unto you, that likewise joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just persons, which need no repentance.

Tributes at Lee Rigby’s family home in Middleton, Lancashire

The brutal murder of Drummer Lee Rigby on 22nd May 2013 stands as a tragic indictment of successive British governments that have betrayed our people at home and abroad.

25 year old Drummer Rigby, of the 2nd battalion, Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, was originally from the Langley estate in Middleton, Lancashire, an area that has suffered more than most from the collapse of British manufacturing industry – and from the consequent spirals of depression, drug addiction and crime.

Lee Rigby rose above all of these local crises and aimed to serve his country: unfortunately his patriotism (as with so many other dedicated servicemen) was systematically abused by treacherous governments.

The prime suspects in Lee Rigby’s murder in broad daylight on the streets of London (film of which appeared online) are two Nigerians, one of them born in the UK, the other an immigrant.  Both had attended the University of Greenwich, and were converts from Christianity to Islam.  One of the suspects, Michael Olumide Adebolajo, was detained in Kenya two years ago, suspected of being en route to Somalia to fight with the paramilitary force Al-Shabaab.  MI5 is reported to have tried to recruit him to inform on fellow militants, two years before the Rigby murder.

The suspects are in several respects on the margins of the UK’s Muslim community: as converts; as Nigerians; and as members of a fringe sect that recruits alienated youth, rather than any of the versions of Islam with longstanding communal bases.

The political roots of Lee Rigby’s murder lie in decisions by successive governments who have transformed London into a multiracial chaos, compounded by more recent British leaders who have embroiled our armed forces in conflicts that have no connections to British national interests, but serve the ends of alien forces exerting disproportionate influence on our politicians.

It is therefore especially nauseating to see the English Defence League seeking political capital from Lee Rigby’s murder, since the EDL endorses the multiracialism that brought his killers to London, and also embraces the aggressive Zionist imperialism that dragged British forces into increasingly unwinnable and dishonourable conflicts.

The proper role for nationalists in response to this horrific murder is firstly to send our respectful sympathy to Drummer Rigby’s family; and secondly to renew our commitment to a transformation of British politics.

Mr Rushton’s speech, introduced by meeting chairman Jez Bedford-Turner, can be viewed below on YouTube.

The 2013 English county council elections on May 2nd proved a disaster for the BNP – as widely expected – but also dealt a possibly fatal blow to the English Democrats, a party which some anti-Griffin dissidents once expected to profit from the collapse of the BNP.

At the equivalent elections four years ago the BNP won three county council seats, but the catastrophic factional splits that have beset the party soon led to the resignation of two of these councillors, so the only seat remaining in BNP hands before this year’s elections was in Burnley.

Even here long-serving BNP councillor Sharon Wilkinson chose to retire from the council.  In her old division of Padiham & Burnley West, where she had polled 1,155 votes (30.7%) to win election in 2009, this year’s BNP candidate Paul Robinson finished last of four candidates with 358 votes (13.4%).

Elsewhere in the former party stronghold, other Burnley BNP candidates also suffered landslide defeat.  David Shapcott in Burnley SW managed only 7.2%, compared to John Cave’s 21.2% in 2009.

A fuller nationwide analysis of the 2013 elections will appear here in two weeks time, with complete details in the next edition of Heritage and Destiny.

The men that worked for England
They have their graves at home:
And birds and bees of England
About the cross can roam

But they that fought for England,
Following a falling star,
Alas, alas for England
They have their graves afar.

And they that rule in England,
In stately conclave met,
Alas, alas for England
They have no graves as yet.

Margaret Thatcher in Jerusalem, meeting former Stern Gang commander Yitzhak Shamir, Prime Minister of Israel, in 1986

Margaret Thatcher’s death on 8th April 2013 produced hours of media analysis and contrasting reactions, typified by her virtual state funeral on the one hand, and angry protests on the other.

Yet few bothered to examine one particular aspect of her political legacy. When Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party in February 1975, and especially when she took over as Prime Minister in May 1979, many assumed a significant shift to the right, especially on immigration. Whereas the Conservatives had largely accepted the creation of Britain’s multiracial society – with the British Nationality Act of 1948 and the arrival of the first boatload of immigrants aboard the Empire Windrush during the same year – Mrs Thatcher was seen as linked to the wing of the party that had backed Enoch Powell’s belated rebellion against multiracialism in 1968.

Enoch Powell was sacked from the Conservative shadow cabinet in 1968 for warning against britain’s racial transformation. Margaret Thatcher refused to back him and kept her job.

Party leader Edward Heath sacked Powell from the Conservative shadow cabinet for his famous speech predicting that mass non-white immigration would lead to “rivers of blood” on Britain’s streets. Mrs Thatcher had only joined the shadow cabinet the previous year, and prudently remained loyal to the leadership, but she was increasingly seen as linked to the Powellites, on both economic policy and race.  Eventually she was to promote two of Powell’s most prominent younger supporters – Nicholas Ridley and John Biffen – to her cabinets.

In the 1975 leadership race Mrs Thatcher was clearly the candidate of the party’s right-wing. Moreover her colleagues were increasingly concerned by the strong electoral showing of the National Front, some of whose results at the October 1974 general election had been very impressive (in an era which was far more dominated by the major parties than today’s politics). These general election results included 7.6% in the East London constituency of Bethnal Green & Bow; 9.4% in nearby Hackney South & Shoreditch; 7.8% in Newham South; 8.3% in Tottenham; 8.0% in Wood Green; and 6.0% in Leicester East.

During 1976 and 1977, despite the new “right-wing” Tory leader and despite its own internal problems, the NF continued to achieve several strong results in parliamentary by-elections: 6.0% in Rotherham; 6.6% in Thurrock; 7.3% in Walsall North; 5.2% in the City of London & Westminster South; 8.2% in Birmingham Stechford; and 5.7% in Birmingham Ladywood.

National Front activist Derrick Day addressing a party activity at Hoxton market in East London, alongside NF national activities organiser Martin Webster.

It was therefore no surprise when at the start of 1978 the Conservative Party began to promote an apparently hardline immigration policy, which was the very first subject to be addressed when Mrs Thatcher was interviewed on what was then the country’s best known current affairs television programme, World in Action, on 27th January 1978. This interview was to become notorious for Mrs Thatcher’s calculated use of the word “swamped”, but it is worth quoting more fully.

The interviewer referred to “threats that you may well make major cutbacks on the level of immigrants allowed into this country” and asked: “If you do get to power how severely would you cut the numbers?”

Mrs Thatcher replied:

Well now, look, let us try and start with a few figures as far as we know them, and I am the first to admit it is not easy to get clear figures from the Home Office about immigration, but there was a committee which looked at it and said that if we went on as we are then by the end of the century there would be four million people of the new Commonwealth or Pakistan here. Now, that is an awful lot and I think it means that people are really rather afraid that this country might be rather swamped by people with a different culture and, you know, the British character has done so much for democracy, for law and done so much throughout the world that if there is any fear that it might be swamped people are going to react and be rather hostile to those coming in.

So, if you want good race relations, you have got to allay peoples’ fears on numbers. Now, the key to this was not what Keith Speed said just a couple of weeks ago. It really was what Willie Whitelaw said at the Conservative Party Conference in Brighton, where he said we must hold out the clear prospect of an end to immigration because at the moment it is about between 45,000 and 50,000 people coming in a year. Now, I was brought up in a small town, 25,000. That would be two new towns a year and that is quite a lot. So, we do have to hold out the prospect of an end to immigration except, of course, for compassionate cases. Therefore, we have got to look at the numbers who have a right to come in. There are a number of United Kingdom passport holders—for example, in East Africa—and what Keith and his committee are trying to do is to find out exactly how we are going to do it; who must come in; how you deal with the compassionate cases, but nevertheless, holding out the prospect of an end to immigration.

Mrs Thatcher continued:

I shall not make it a major election issue but I think there is a feeling that the big political parties have not been talking about this and sometimes,you know, we are falsely accused of racial prejudice. I say “falsely accused” and that means that we do not talk about it perhaps as much as we should. In my view, that is one thing that is driving some people to the National Front. They do not agree with the objectives of the National Front, but they say that at least they are talking about some of the problems. Now, we are a big political party. If we do not want people to go to extremes, and I do not, we ourselves must talk about this problem and we must show that we are prepared to deal with it. We are a British nation with British characteristics. Every country can take some small minorities and in many ways they add to the richness and variety of this country. The moment the minority threatens to become a big one, people get frightened.

The interviewer asked: “So, some of the support that the National Front has been attracting in recent by-elections you would hope to bring back behind the Tory party?”

And Mrs Thatcher replied: “Oh, very much back, certainly but I think that the National Front has, in fact, attracted more people from Labour voters than from us, but never be afraid to tackle something which people are worried about. We are not in politics to ignore peoples’ worries: we are in politics to deal with them.”

In the purely electoral sense she certainly did “deal with” the NF. Before the “swamping” interview the NF had been regularly achieving votes above 5% in parliamentary by-elections; after it they were only to manage this on one further occasion, in the racial hotspot of Lambeth Central in June 1978.

Many years later in a TV documentary, even the left-wiong Labour MP Clare Short admitted that from her “anti-racist” perspective, the “swamping” reference had ultimately proved a good thing.

I think looking back it was healthy, because there was enough ballast in the Tory party that was not going to be so vilely, crudely racist, that it was better to destroy the National Front.  I don’t know how good her motives were, but I think historically it was probably helpful.

The combination of potential NF voters being won over to Thatcher’s Tories, the Front’s own suicidal infighting, and the violence of the anti-fascist Left effectively crushed the NF at the 1979 general election, from which it was never to recover.

Yet in office Mrs Thatcher if anything accelerated the swamping process. Where she had talked in 1978 as though ending up with four million from ethnic minorities by the end of the century was a dangerous prospect to be avoided, more than a decade of Mrs Thatcher in office (followed by seven years of her Tory successor John Major) left us with an even bigger problem than this nightmare hypothesis!

The latest census shows that there are nearly 11 million residents of England and Wales whose ethnic background is something other than White British.  In Greater London alone there are 4.5 million non-White British residents, while in two inner London boroughs (Newham and Brent) the non-White British population is over 80%.

The outcome of Thatcherism was thus to compound Britain’s racial catastrophe – unsurprisingly given that her supposed concern for our country’s cultural integrity was trumped by her adherence to market ideology.  More so than any other world leader Mrs Thatcher encapsulated the triumph of liberalism, through which (as Prof. Alexander Dugin writes in his recent book The Fourth Political Theory, which I review in the current issue of Heritage and Destiny): “private property is idolised, ‘transcendentalised’, and transforms from that which a man owns to that which owns the man.”  Mrs Thatcher and her ilk affirmed that “the individual is the measure of all things”, Dugin writes, and moved towards “the abolition of any governmental, religious and social authorities who lay claim to ‘the common truth’”.

Another aspect of Mrs Thatcher that has provoked nationalist curiousity is her relationship with the Jewish community, since her parliamentary constituency throughout her House of Commons career from 1959 until her retirement in 1992 was Finchley (now Finchley & Golders Green), one of England’s most Jewish areas.

Derek Phillips, last surviving member of the Finchley Conservative selection committee who chose Margaret Thatcher as the future MP in 1958

When the Finchley seat became vacant in the spring of 1958, the local Conservative committee, in the words of Mrs Thatcher’s biographer Dr John Campbell: “had specifically ruled Jewish applicants out of consideration, since the Liberals had already selected one and there was no point competing for the Jewish vote while alienating anti-Semitic Conservatives.”

Nevertheless. according to fellow future MP Sir Dennis Walters, the outgoing Finchley MP Sir John Crowder complained that Conservative Central Office was trying to advance the candidature of Peter Goldman, head of the Conservative Research Department, as an alternative to Thatcher, forcing local Tories to choose between “a bloody Jew and a bloody woman”.

Mrs Thatcher eventually won the nomination in a run-off against a local businessman, by 46 votes to 43, and remained Finchley’s representative for the next 33 years. For obvious reasons she built close links both with the local Jewish community and with the State of Israel and Jews in general, appointing an unprecented nymber of Jews to her cabinets, including her mentor Sir Keith Joseph; Chancellor of the Exchequer Nigel Lawson; Home Secretary Leon Brittan; and Trade & Industry Secretary Lord Young  as well as launching the ministerial career of Michael Howard, who in 2003 became the first observant Jew to lead a major British political party.

Yet in one respect Mrs Thatcher remained reluctant to fall into line with Zionism.  During her early 20s she would have been well aware of the murderous Zionist terror campaign against British forces in Palestine, and when one of the most notorious terrorists – Menachem Begin of the Irgun – became Prime Minister of Israel from 1977 to 1983 – Mrs Thatcher was at first reluctant to meet him and shake his hand.

Though famous for her refusal to “U-turn”, Mrs Thatcher was persuaded to overcome her initial reluctance to shake the hand of Menachem Begin, the Jewish terrorist leader who became Prime Minister of Israel.

Conservative journalist and ex-MP Matthew Parris wrote in The Times after Mrs Thatcher’s death:

I was in the Conservative Research Department when our new leader announced that she would not shake the hand of the Israeli prime minister, Menachem Begin, who was to visit Britain, because he was an ex-terrorist. Anyone who had tried to persuade her that terrorism was sometimes right would have talked to a brick wall; but bridle as she did at the advice that whatever her opinions she should not make a scene over Begin – lest she be called too hot-headed to run a foreign policy – she took the advice. She shook his hand.

In February 1983 Mrs Thatcher’s disgust at Irgun terrorism was again apparent when Begin sought to appoint his former lieutenant Eliahu Lankin as Israeli Ambassador to Great Britain.  During 1944-5 Lankin had been imprisoned by the British for his terrorist activities but succeeded in escaping and by early 1947 had become the Irgun commander in Europe, based in Paris and liasing with the organisation’s covert allies in French military intelligence.  During the summer of 1948 he commanded the Altalena, a ship carrying arms for the Irgun which on arriving off the Palestine coast was famously attacked by the rival paramilitary group Haganah.

Lankin had been serving as Israeli Ambassador to South Africa when, following the assassination attempt which left London Ambassador Shlomo Argov in a coma, Begin attempted to send him to the Court of St James.

Eliahu Lankin, the Irgun terrorist whose appointment as Ambassador to London was successfully resisted by Margaret Thatcher.

Thatcher was outraged – since she was then involved in a brutal war against IRA terrorists, she had no intention of welcoming an ex-terrorist as Israel ambassador. Foreign Secretary Francis Pym suggested a diplomatic solution to avoid embarrassment all round. The chief of Mrs Thatcher’s Downing Street political office, prominent Jewish businessman David Wolfson (now Lord Wolfson of Sunningdale) was despatched to Jerusalem, where he held a secret meeting with Begin, warning that the choice of Lankin would damage Anglo-Jewish relations.

Woilfson was a clever choice, since his uncle Sir Isaac Wolfson had been one of the leaders of an influential Zionist cabal who had channelled funds for illegal Zionist arms purchases during the 1940s and – though at first closer to Begin’s political rivals – had helped smooth over differences within the Zionist camp thirty years later and ease Begin’s arrival as the first “right-wing” Israeli premier. Begin duly withdrew Lankin’s nomination, and Mrs Thatcher’s relationship with Israel was restored to what remained a firm footing.

Author and publisher Simon Sheppard was summarily jailed in January 2013 following an article in Heritage and Destiny.

25 January 2013. My probation officer’s hastily-arranged visit had ended just a few minutes previously, he ostensibly unaware of what was about to go down. I was in the hallway experimenting with how many boxes of TOA sheets could be loaded onto my sack trolley when about four policemen started pushing the door, which had been slightly ajar. Instinctively I tried to push it back but they pushed harder. One said “Don’t worry we’re the police.” A few moments later one of the officers confronted me, the one I was shortly to dub ‘PC Believer,’ and asked me if I was Steven W., my former co-defendant. It was his idea of a joke. When that was got out of the way I was arrested “under Section 19 of the Public Order Act 1986 on suspicion of distributing material intending to stir up religious hatred” an offence which, unless I’m very much mistaken, doesn’t exist. Asked if I understood why I was being arrested, I said “No.”

More officers shortly arrived and began donning rubber gloves to start going through my computers and possessions. PC Believer asked me, now in handcuffs, and having great difficulty coming to terms with the situation, if I was on drugs. I was in shock. They tried to arrange my coat over my hands so the handcuffs wouldn’t be visible during the walk to the police van: “I’ve done nothing to be ashamed of” I said. After being loaded into the back I was driven to York.

Discussions at York

In an anteroom for people waiting for the custody desk was a swarthy, Eastern European gypsy woman who spoke no English. I shortly learned she’d been arrested for purse-dipping (pick-pocketing). Mindful of my caution (“Anything you say may be taken down…”) I chose my words carefully, and mentioned to PC Believer that the presence of both her and me was an interesting juxtaposition, pointing out that while I was in handcuffs she was not. He responded with some rubbish which made it evident that he was a committed adherent to political correctness. I remembered him telling the newly-arrived officers – three I think – who were about to embark on a search of my flat to “knock yourselves out.” Clearly me and PC Believer were not to be the best of buddies.

He told me that handcuffs were at the discretion of the arresting officer – him. I said that as a police officer he had a vested interest in believing that his job furthered a functional society, mentioning cognitive dissonance, but that my conclusion was that the police role nowadays is to foster a dysfunctional one. I’d recently come to the conclusion that by the enforcement of political correctness, practically everywhere the police go they make things worse.

The constables in the room, now about four, waiting with their charges, reverted to chatting among themselves. It was a long wait for the custody desk. PC Believer was evidently a keen gardener and picking up on the discussion about fertiliser, to pass the time, I related how while hitchhiking I had once been given a lift by a pair of “sheep-shit rustlers.” They had found the theme hilarious and had picked me up to share the joke. The contraband, if such it was, was in the boot of the car. The second arresting officer, who was more amiable, moved to sit opposite me and take up the conversation. He pointed out that the “sheep-shit rustlers” had probably committed no crime. There was a digression into coronial law, that apparently while a body is with a coroner it is his property. I replied that politicians have been creating so many laws to justify their existence that there is always some law which can be quoted as being broken. While living in Market Weighton I learned of a story, which I told the assembly, of a farmer who’s practice had been to drive his horse and cart to a pub a couple of miles away. There he would drink a skinful and invariably pass out. When he did his drinking friends would, by long-standing habit, carry him out to the cart and load him into the back. Then one would give the horse a healthy slap on the backside and it, well used to this routine, would walk the farmer home through the deserted country lanes. This continued for several years until “one of you lot” laid in wait for him one night and had him for being drunk in charge of a vehicle.

At this PC Believer objected to the categorisation and implicit tainting of himself which had been implied by the term “one of you lot.” I replied that it is well-established that humans sort into categories, and in any case he was wearing a uniform. “I don’t want to talk to you any more” he said. “That generally means that you’ve lost the argument” I replied. Apparently there was a serious proposal in rural Ireland recently (County Kerry to be exact) to issue licences or permits to allow driving over the limit. The argument was that the traditional Irish culture of drinking, music and story-telling was under threat. One of the officers made a remark about the damage that ensues when a family is wiped out by a drink-driver, but in this case we are talking about a short journey along rural roads at perhaps 30mph with probably the biggest danger posed by the driver being to himself.

Formally interviewed

More than an hour later at the custody desk my handcuffs were finally removed. The sergeant behind it looked around 17 (he later told me he was 30) and after that I was shown to a cell. An hour or two passed and then I was pulled out to be interviewed by two detectives. I was asked if I wanted a lawyer present: I declined, knowing that one wouldn’t be much help in this case and that everyone would have to sit around for several hours while he arrived. The interview was recorded on DVD disc – this was new, I was told it could record video if necessary. The lengthy interview consisted of questions about the Spree Killers article I’d written (and by this time had published) in Heritage & Destiny. I had learnt already that my supposed offence was connected to the local library, and my growing suspicion was confirmed that it was this article. Someone had kindly made me some copies for free, and I had given the last one to the only male employee at my local library. He, apparently, had referred it to his female superior and both she and he had made statements for the police. However absurd it seemed, the police were treating it as a potential criminal offence!

The interview was exceptional in consisting chiefly of an elaboration of evolutionary psychology and the concepts and mechanisms detailed in the Spree Killers article. It was very exhausting, because the article had truly been at the forefront of knowledge. Some additional background was added however. David Buss pointed out in one of his books that the very fact that we are here, each individual one of us, is proof of an unbroken lineage: every one of our ancestors, going back countless generations, must have successfully found a mate or else we wouldn’t be here. By the same measure, the fact that we have white skin is proof that men have fought to preserve that difference. At some time the mutation would have occurred, and if the distinct population had not defended itself it would have been wiped out or assimilated by a darker one.

Also discussed was the wide variation in genes and language in African and New Guinea tribes, and the ability of the former to identify members of their respective tribes, even though they all look similar to us. In New Guinea there are reported to be over 400 languages, even tribes living a couple of miles apart speak different languages. One account relates how two neighbouring tribes had a minor dispute, so one decided to play a trick on the other. On a certain day they exchanged their word for ‘yes’ to mean ‘no’, and the word for ‘no’ to mean ‘yes.’ Trade with their neighbours was certainly interesting for a while.

The mass suicide cult

The two officers went through the article, questioning me on various points, until we came to the part at the end about the government’s “suicidal immigration policies.” It took me a few moments to think of an example, because there are so many, but then I realised I had it from the Government’s own mouth. No less than the Chief Medical Officer had stated just a week or so previously that antibiotic resistance should be treated as a critical threat, on a par with terrorism or nuclear attack. The warning was that we could all be wiped out by a common bacterium which had acquired antibiotic resistance. What was left unstated was that the major source of antibiotic resistance, particularly tuberculosis, is India and Pakistan. There, incorrectly-stored antibiotics are sold from market stalls like Smarties. Asian schoolchildren visiting relatives, for example, bring the resistant bacteria back to Britain.

The most notable feature of the interview however was the testimonial I received at the end. One of the officers said I had “a great mind” and other things which were plainly intended to send a message to the CPS (Crown Prosecution Service) to back off. This is certainly not the first time I have received sympathetic treatment from police officers – one even apologised on behalf of the State for the actions it was taking against me – but this was actually on record, obviously being spoken for the benefit of that DVD recorder. Definitely a novelty. With these and other officers I had by this time discussed episodic memory (similar to snapshot memory), neurotic transfer (spurious false confessions) and the Stockholm syndrome.

A couple of hours later I was called out of my cell again and stood before the custody desk. The teenage-looking custody sergeant told me I was being given bail until March. Then I waited in a glass-walled booth for a few minutes, and was beginning to think that, against all the odds, I might actually be going home. Shortly however I was re-arrested for recall to prison. The form stated as official reason “poor behaviour.”

Steve Shittle (left) and Simon Sheppard during their incarceration in California, before being returned to the UK to face charges under the infamous Race laws.

Police cells until Monday

Rather like the early days in the tank at California, in the bowels of a skyscraper in Los Angeles, it takes time for the shock and sense of unreality to fade. It seemed as if I would only get a few minutes’ sleep before the constant noise of the fan, or the ever-present light, would cause me to wake with a jolt, when I would realise all over again that I was back in a cell. According to the normal routine I should be shipped to the nearest reception prison, Hull, midday on Saturday. However heavy snow put paid to that, and I was told I would be held in York until Monday. At least I was given paper, a pencil and some books to read, but it would be better in a proper jail where I could make my own tea and have a smoke. That is invaluable when you’re under stress.

On Sunday however the cell door opened and I was told I was being moved to Harrogate as they were running out of cells. The officer told me it was 3 o’clock, and so disoriented was I that I assumed it was 3pm. It was actually 3am. This, a new facility, was even worse than York. I only had inferior horror books to read – as if I’d want to read those in a situation like this.

Back to jail

I ended up on the induction wing in Hull. First in a cell with a flap on the cell door and then I was moved to one without. I seemed to be constantly being asked if I wanted methadone. The first time a female officer opened the flap and posed this question I laughed, but after that it ceased to be funny. One time I woke up thinking I had fallen asleep inside a swimming baths, the acoustics around the wing being quite similar. Jail was just like before and I settled down to reading a book a day and watching the TV, which had had its settings disturbed and only had about three channels, at night. I normally don’t have a TV at all but you can’t read all the time: after a while your eyes start automatically scanning the lines without taking anything in. Fortunately one of the stations was a film channel. Most importantly, I was on my own and this compensated for a lot of things. Another novelty I saw immediately was that the expiry date on the long-life milk cartons we were given every evening was later than my release date. My licence expired on 16 April and they couldn’t hold me after that. In jail you notice these things.

I took part in a few cosy cell-huddles during association. One time the conversation turned to criminal (probably drug) matters and someone said “He looks well dodgy, he does,” meaning me. “I don’t want to know” I said and beat a hasty retreat. Later I caught up with the speaker leaning against some railings and joked with him “The accusation of dodginess is a compliment, coming from you!” because he was indeed dodgy. Another time there was someone I was told felt stress in any social interaction. This was one of those times when I put my psychologist’s hat on. I said it was not my area but thought that social empathy as a sort of ‘brain muscle’ which usually operates automatically and unconsciously.

Social empathy

This ‘brain muscle’ becomes evident when one is sick or dealing with people with mental illness. A patient in a hospital becomes rapidly exhausted by visitors, for example. Our natural tendency when transacting with another individual is to reach some midway point, to achieve some reference for further understanding. This capacity for social empathy must confer considerable survival advantage because its energy allocation has a high priority, so that in normal everyday life we hardly notice it. Only when someone is sick does that energy drain become noticeable. When talking to someone who is psychotic, one must curb the natural tendency to reach a midway point otherwise one is drawn to share the other’s psychosis. This is why attendants at mental institutions can mock and mistreat patients: they are broadening the gap between ‘us’ and ‘them’ to protect their own mental health. Reportedly mental health workers have a tendency to go senile early. Mental illness can be contagious.

So in this individual the part(s) of the brain which I call the ‘brain muscle’ may have been weak or dysfunctional, much as I have difficulty recognising faces (prosopagnosia). Then I launched into some procedural analysis, saying that the natural domain for the male is things, taking apart car engines and so forth, while the natural domain of the female is relationships. All relational activity is really sex for the female. We were interrupted before I got any further.

I’ve had various prison names: “the Professor,” “Jackanory” (because I told stories) and “Reader.” As far as stories went, their favourite seemed to be the one about the origin of the term “rule of thumb.” I would tell about the judge (it was reputedly Sir Francis Buller) who, from the bench, ruled that it was lawful for a man to beat his wife providing the stick was no wider than his thumb. This was in the days of coverture, when a husband was responsible for all the debts, and even criminal acts, of his wife.

Sociopathy and psychopathy

I think one thing of significance was learnt during this brief (5½ weeks) jail stint. In my own mind at least I have established models of the sociopath and the psychopath. A clear distinction between the two has never been obvious, according to the definitions I have seen. According to the Oxford Dictionary of Psychology, psychopathy features “superficial charm, pathological lying, egocentricity, lack of remorse and callousness.” I have met and become aware of several psychopaths, both inside and outside prison.

Probably the most dangerous type is the psychopathic politician, representative examples being Tony Blair and Nick Griffin just for starters. Because of their influence, having clear definitions is important.

My conclusion is that the sociopath exhibits superficial charm, pathological lying, lack of remorse and callousness but lacks egocentricity. All the psychopaths I have met have had a compulsion to “get one over” the other person, to always come out on top. The psychopath always has to come out better, to prevail in whatever the particular contest is. This also works in business, where the psychopathic businessman always has to feel that he has come out ahead (I think I met one such once; he was also exceptionally promiscuous). Psychopathic politicians generally use legal means, but the criminal psychopath will exploit the advantages and weigh the risks of using illegal ones.

The individual I recently shared a cell with exhibited superficial charm, pathological lying, lack of remorse and callousness but without any sign of that ruthless compulsion to prevail. The ego seemed normal or near-normal. Moreover his ploys were crudely executed, making the manipulations obvious. He was compared to a true psychopath with whom I had shared a cell in Leeds prison: that individual had lain awake at night plotting how to trick me out of more tobacco. I don’t remember him ever actually asking me for a smoke, that would have been tantamount to surrender. His manipulative ability was exceptional: it’s likely that he had manipulated the staff into putting me into his cell, solely because I had tobacco.

A sportsman has a strong will to win, and strives to do so, but he is not a psychopath. Here is an important distinction, because real, physical activity is involved: it might be running, swimming or throwing. The athlete’s own physical limitations are of account. The psychopath has only moral and legal constraints (the former being more fluid). His activities are cerebral: he is devoid of conscience and limited only by his ability to manipulate others and plot a path for himself.

The prisoner with whom I talked about ‘brain muscles’ evidently had a social disorder, but I don’t think it could be deemed sociopathic. Most of the time during association periods I leant against a radiator and read. I would try and read a part of some educational book (psychology or science) then after I’d done my daily quota, pick up a novel again.

Move to Northallerton

After 13 days at Hull I was moved. Northallerton is a small but old prison which had formerly been a Young Offenders Institution. There were two wings, a large one for Category C prisoners and a smaller one for Category D. I had been Category D at Wolds and while at Hull I had received paperwork again stating that I was Category D (which qualifies you for an open prison). Inexplicably however on my move to Northallerton I became Category C, so was located on the larger wing. I saw the Cat. D wing several times during trips to and from the prison library, and the regime there was that the cell doors were open all day, but it wasn’t as if there was anywhere to go. It was only about seven cells long and was reminiscent of a Lilliputian tower block. I found it rather claustrophobic. They made a big thing of the fact that there was a carpet on the floor.

One character I was re-acquainted with from a couple of years before had a persistent compulsion to shave his body. I doubt if anywhere was spared. I had shared with him briefly at Wolds prison but now he had a cell to himself, which was a good thing. I used to be woken at five in the morning to the sound of him scratching with a razor. I told him about the neurotic paradox, which is that regardless of how illogical or detrimental an individual knows his behaviour to be, he cannot stop himself doing it. Nowadays the fashionable term is OCD, but formerly these maladaptive behaviours were classed under the general heading of neuroses.

At Northallerton I finally managed to get hold of some toothpaste, but then came a disappointment. After mercifully spending three years inside without toothache it now struck with a vengeance. Having toothache inside and being dependent on the prison dentist is no joke. Prisoners’ teeth are often extremely poor, due to all the drugs. However the nurses’ station did me proud and soon I had clove oil and painkillers. A week or so later the dentist herself was much less impressive and I elected to struggle on with the clove oil. Both prisons gave me immunisations; at Northallerton there had been a recent measles outbreak. At Hull during one of the induction talks a man revealed incidentally that antibiotic resistant gonorrhoea was now at large in Britain – it could be controlled but not cured. This valuable warning was not delivered by a medic though, I don’t think I was aware of a single male medical worker in either of the prisons. Northallerton was more feminine than Hull, with pairs of female officers sitting together to gossip while keeping an eye on the prisoners.

Shortly after arriving at Northallerton an Imam walked into my cell, dressed in full gown and garb, asking about religious matters. He started acting on behalf of the Christian chaplaincy by inviting me to Christian services. This is the second time this has happened, a Muslim acting for the CofE in prison, there’s been some kind of directive about it. It’s also practically impossible in British jails not to eat Halal food. I got rid of him as quickly as I could and engaged the chaplain later. One had already got an earful about Holocaustianity being a post-Christian quasi-religion, and quoted Chesterton, that when people stop believing in God they don’t believe in nothing, they believe in anything. In Holocaustianity we have Auschwitz as Calvary, Hitler as the Devil and the Jews as completely innocent, sacrificial lambs. Us “racists” and “Holocaust deniers” are cast as the angels of Satan, seeking to disrupt the coming multiracial utopia. I think this end-times scenario is called a secular eschatology.

One man told me his situation “on the out” had been so grim that he deliberately set about having himself sent to prison. A catalogue of woe followed, the details of which I cannot give here since they would identify him and I was sworn to secrecy. Another set of people seemed incapable of managing money, short and in debt in whatever situation they find themselves, apparently never having been other than dependent on the State. Of course the prison currency is tobacco. The trick to getting by in prison is to see the best in people, and the truly bad individuals are a definite minority, certainly in the jails I have been in. There were a couple of ex-policemen in this jail, in for smuggling tobacco, and I had regular chats with one of them. I asked him if he would lose his pension but he said no, he’d paid into it for years so it couldn’t be taken away. An oft-made pronouncement of mine was “If our country was governed properly, 80% of these people wouldn’t be here.”

One time I was standing in the queue for food and immediately in front of me a couple of prisoners were mock-fighting. One of the dummy swings came uncomfortably close, I backed away and some remark was made about my retreat. “I’m a writer not a fighter” I said. The prison authorities were very good about forwarding mail, and the other prisoners were in awe of the messages of support I received. Some were plainly jealous of the money I was sent. I told them you have to be a political prisoner to get such treatment.

A heretic inside

Word soon got around among the prison officers and inmates that I was a “Holocaust disbeliever” and this led to some interesting debates. The prison environment lends itself to some obvious parallels and my argument ran as follows: “Imagine this is the 1940s, and we are losing a war against Russia. The Russians are invading from the north, and all the prisons up there are being evacuated southward. This wing, designed for 300, is packed with 1,500 people, six to a cell instead of two, with people sleeping on the floors in addition. Moreover, the people coming in from the north are carrying fleas, which carry typhus. The Russians have control of the air. Attempts to bring food or medicine to the prison are frustrated, because any train or lorry is being shot to pieces by aircraft. That is what happened in the closing days of the war with Germany.”

I have deliberately mixed the order and location of some of these exchanges to save possible embarrassment. One officer got a bit heated about the topic. “You can stick your beliefs up your arse! Three-and-a-half million people died!” he said angrily. I’m not normally very quick verbally, and usually only think of a suitable reply half an hour too late, but on this occasion I immediately retorted “It was six million last week!”

Many times I came up against a stock argument: “My grandfather was at Dachau/Belsen/wherever.” Then I had to patiently explain, for the umpteenth time, that even in the orthodox version of events there were no mass exterminations at the camps on German territory. It was all supposed to have happened in the East, chiefly at Auschwitz. I sometimes told of the time I visited Dachau years ago, when I was still a believer. I had sensed that something was wrong. It had been brewing even before I saw the notice tucked away in a corner, along the lines of “This shower room was never used for extermination but was constructed after the war for demonstration purposes.”

I noticed that a certain washroom-toilet always had at least one prison officer stationed outside. This apparently was for the sole purpose of stopping inmates having a sly smoke inside. When I realised what was going on I dubbed them “smoking guards” and told one that “the present regime makes the Nazis look like kindergarten teachers.” A couple of days later I was passing off the wing, and had to give my name for the movement record. “Sheppard” I said, “political prisoner.” “Jawohl” replied the officer and I walked off chuckling.

One of the prison libraries had a display about Holocaust Memorial Day. This prompted me to tell all within hearing that when the German administration at Auschwitz learned that the Russians were advancing, they offered the inmates the choice of staying and waiting for the Russian “liberators” or marching with them several hundred miles to another camp. Almost the entire camp chose to flee with the Germans and march. One of the few that didn’t was Otto Frank, because he was in the camp hospital recovering from typhus.

On my birthday, 19th February, only a couple of days after I got access to a computer, my ‘Appeal against Recall’ was faxed off. The paperwork said there were “complaints to the Police by members of the public that he had distributed written material glorifying spree killers.” I had given one copy to one male librarian, and the article had even been shown to Probation beforehand. My appeal said that on the basis of the information I had been given, I had not breached my licence conditions at all. I tried to contact my former lawyer to assist but learned later that his firm didn’t have the necessary contract. Apparently firms need special Legal Aid contracts for matters of prison law and actions against the police. So I did the right thing going ahead with it myself.

A wing at Northallerton prison

What passes for work

In the mornings I was enrolled on a pointless computer course. I was able to skip most of the word-processing (not much to learn there, I’ve been doing it for decades) but reached new heights with Powerpoint. How can anyone ever manage without it? Scores of  pointless print-outs had to be made, while at the same time the content witters on about recycling and reducing waste. The atmosphere there was okay however, and I was able to sketch some notes for a future article. There were some lively discussions as well; one young man said he believed in equal opportunities and I said that it was never about equality, only superiority. I quoted the survey I did in Hull in 1997, where 80% of the unemployed were male but 69% of the people working in the unemployment benefit offices were female. Then look here I said, with a huge proportion of probation officers and other administrators being female. “Do you think then that women shouldn’t work?” I was asked. “Not while there are men on the dole” I said and continued, “Women are crooks who steal men’s jobs.” “You can’t say that!” someone said. “I just did” I replied, to howls of laughter.

It was notable how the presence of even a single member of one of the “protected groups” stifled free discussion. I was sitting beside a Pakistani one day and said to him, “Do you know that the Nazis had a Muslim division?” Of course he didn’t.

The worst part of prison is having a psychopath for a cell-mate, or sharing a cell with someone otherwise severely dysfunctional (into this category I include the large number of TV addicts, whose first action on waking is to turn it on). Fortunately I only had to endure this for a week or so. Hence the worst part, which I came to dread, was the work detail I had in the afternoons. This was billed as “Business Administration” but its primary purpose seemed to be keeping Manchester College in funds. Daily committee meetings, with minutes taken, pathetic “theory” exercises on how and why to give a presentation, mind-numbing minutae concerning health and safety and how to use a computer. The whole atmosphere stifled any initiative and ability. The obvious observation was that if this was how business at large was run it was no wonder the country was bankrupt.

A trickle of real work came though the door, but the important thing seemed to be completing the Manchester College forms. It had all the characteristics of a New Labour box-ticking scam. Prison when all is said and done is just a microcosm of wider society, although with added restrictions and exaggerations of policy. This afternoon work session came to epitomise the mediocrity of society at large. That is, a society replete with institutional incompetence, steered by people of doubtful ability, only a willingness to toe the party line. Some organisations go along with the dogma, having to adhere to the letter of the law, and of course there will be rationalisation (reducing cognitive dissonance, in orthodox terminology). The most insufferable however are those who wholeheartedly embrace this rubbish, and for whom box-ticking is a way of life.

One time there was a discussion about bullying, a poster was being produced about it and everyone was invited to sit around the table and contribute. I piped up from the far corner, “What about bullying by the state of people who refuse to go along with their dogma?” “We’re not talking about that” was the answer. A few days later my frustration boiled over to an argument with the supervisor, at one point drawing a cheer from the other prisoners. “This is all to keep people like you in fancy salaries” I said. “I wish” was her response. “Well it’s a lot more than I get” I said. The plain fact was that here we had large numbers of men working on these vapid courses, no doubt designed and marked by women, while the prison population is 94% male. We were paid about £1 per day for our contribution, and a large proportion of inmates are in prison due to being unemployed and having nothing to do except take drugs and commit crime.

Northallerton prison, where Simon Sheppard was jailed earlier this year

The last day

It all happened on 5th March. In the morning I met a police officer who told me there would be “no further action” in respect of the Spree Killers article. This was a relief, although it might have been interesting to see how it played out. How would the media spin the trial? In essence, it is the case of a writer – indubitably in this context, a journalist – being tried for an article which had already been published after complaints by two librarians!

I asked the police officer for clarification about whether I would get into trouble for posting the SK article on the Heretical site. He seemed to be aware of my appeal against recall, but said I had little chance of release before the remaining six weeks of my licence were up. In the afternoon, the normal supervisor was on “maternity leave” (this is an approximation), some men were supervising instead and I actually got some work done. During a discussion of criminal matters one young lad said something of such naivety (he’d confided some incriminating information to a lawyer) that the laughter took a while to die down.

After work came tea, then a smoke then association. About 18:30 I was leaning against a radiator as usual when an officer approached and said “Mr Sheppard?” I was thinking, ‘What trouble am I in now?’ but said that I was. “Immediate release” he said, “You’ve got five minutes to pack your stuff.” “You’re joking” I said. I suspect he was enjoying himself. No, he insisted, pack your stuff. He eventually had to come and get me while I was giving things away to my shaven-headed friend and others who had got the word.

The corridor which led off the wing seemed much busier than usual, and maybe others had gathered to watch me go. As I was passing through I recognised the one who had dubbed me “Reader” and gave him my alarm clock. I’m afraid my last words to my fellow prisoners were “If this turns out to be a joke I want it back!”

At Reception something was said about this happening only once a year. It was like being in a Hollywood film, enjoyable but thoroughly implausible. I quoted a film I had watched a couple of nights before, featuring Sharon Stone as a sharp-shooting gunslinger. As if! “Why can’t a girl be a gunfighter?” one of the officers asked, clearly another pc believer. The fact is that even the male ones are a Hollywood myth: their pistols were wildly inaccurate and I have seen a claim that bullets were very expensive at the time, making a mockery of all those trigger-happy shoot-outs. Whether this is true or not, handguns are still hopeless at distance even today, and the oft-repeated theme of shooting through ropes to free someone from the noose, hitting silver dollars in mid-air, or any of the other displays of astounding accuracy, are pure fantasy.

Then there was a walk to the gates with another officer, and we fell to talking about American prisons. I told him I much preferred British ones, and that the American justice system is cruel, quoting a case I had seen of a young black of 17 or so who had held hostage a group of college girls at gunpoint. None of the young women had been shot, raped or even hurt, but he got 50 years. “I’m not overly sympathetic to blacks who hold up college girls” I said, “but 50 years is a bit steep. We all do stupid things sometimes and anyone can make a mistake.” “They would have been in fear of their lives” he said, adopting the opposing stance. “That’s a fear crime” I replied, “it’s impossible to measure and everyone is trying to scrabble to the top of the victimhood ladder.”

Shortly we arrived at the ‘lock,’ the staggered doors which are the prison entrance and exit for vehicles. Normally all releases take place first thing in the morning; processing of departing prisoners is begun even before everyone is opened up for work movements. I was shown to a glass panel and run through a series of questions which were checked against the paperwork. Then a button was pressed, the heavy door slid aside a few feet and with a cheery wave to the officer behind the glass I stepped outside. I had a pint of bitter in a pub on the way to the train station, but it was not until I reached York and familiar territory that the realisation that I was free again finally struck home.

Librarians get writers imprisoned

Among the property returned to me was the Parole Board report though I didn’t look at it until later. It directed my immediate release but made no mention of the appeal document I had sent. This affair brings to four the number of times librarians have acted as snoops and eager agents of the police: one in Lancashire and three in Yorkshire. These incidents reveal a level of collusion between librarians and police which would put the East German Stasi to shame. What seems to be happening is that the librarians fawn over the PCSOs (a sort of new, amateur police) and the PCSOs are apparently desperate to ingratiate themselves with the full-time police. The latter seek to score points with their superiors and win politically-correct credentials. In the papers I think I can see the work of the “policewoman from Hell” I had the misfortune to meet in January 2012.

The ambivalence of librarians getting writers imprisoned quite defies comprehension. I had an interesting letter in jail from a lady who had formerly been a librarian telling me how things used to be. On reading it I remembered myself meeting that attitude of public service and serving members of the public impartially, regardless of their political perspective.

The perfect crime

It doesn’t require a lengthy jail term to know how to accomplish the perfect crime. In fact our prisons are full of failures, because successful criminals don’t get caught. (The cynic might remark that the most successful ones are in government.) It’s quite simple really. Do one, really well-planned job, then stash the proceeds as a nice nest-egg for the future. Above all, keep your trap shut and resist the temptation to flaunt your ill-gotten gains. Where most people go wrong of course is that they get greedy, do it repeatedly and sooner or later they make a mistake – usually sooner, for most of the prison population. Or they establish a pattern which eventually leads straight to their door and shortly thereafter to the back of a police van.

It strikes me now that this is what the Establishment has done. They’ve been banging away at me and others with similarly heretical views, to keep the puppet-masters happy for a while. That is, until they demand yet more repression to quell their resurgent insecurity and paranoia. And Big Sister has been getting away with it helped, in my case, by a certain judge at Leeds Crown Court. This time she may have gone too far, though most of my disgust is for the librarians, because they don’t have the excuse of being obliged to follow orders.

Not atypical of the cost of amateur crime was that committed by a man I shared a cell with in Armley, Leeds. He got five years for a £30 theft. One night, on his uppers (short of money) and the worse for drink, he demanded money from a taxi-driver. The Pakistani swore under oath that he had brandished a knife, thus it qualified as armed robbery. My cell-mate, an industrial fitter, insisted this was false, and also told me he had never been in trouble with the law before. All this depends of course on whether what he said was true, but I had no reason to doubt him. Within a few days of his arrival in jail, before he knew what was going on and how better to deal with such matters, he had his Rolex watch stolen, a more significant theft than the one which cost him his liberty.

Questions of identity

Until 16 April 2013 I must see probation officers at least weekly, one being as part of a “Healthy Identity” programme for “extremist offenders.” My reaction to this topic was that our sense of identity is an illusion. That is the current attitude, as I understand it. To have a true meta-brain would require a separate organ ‘above’ the brain, and this then involves having one above that, and so on. So evolution has taken a short-cut to avoid this complexity and provided the same benefit (survival advantage) by giving us the illusion of having a unique identity. Many visual processes have evolved using similar short-cuts, hence the large number of optical illusions.

I discussed collective identity once as I was being driven home after one of the police raids. I talked to the officers about the Stalinist raids against political dissidents, where an arrest team would pick someone up at four in the morning. My take was that with a police force in the traditional British model, consisting almost exclusively of white males, government-directed raids of a similar kind might initially take place, following orders. However after a while resistance would emerge, and the police would find some means – fudging or losing paperwork, taking sick leave and the like – to avoid executing orders they considered unfitting. If the police force were to become heterogeneous however, filled with women and ethnic minorities, they would follow such orders unquestioningly, perhaps even eagerly. A deracinated population is (simultaneously and equivalently) feminine and impressionable. It derives its identity solely from the State and mass media. A police force of this complexion would do absolutely anything the politicians wanted, regardless of traditional British values.

This is evidently the ‘long-term plan,’ though I would not claim that it is necessarily deliberate or even conscious. It is simply the logical conclusion of certain instincts being uninhibited. I am confident however that it will not come to this – other instincts will prevail, not least the Occidental respect for objective truth.

A strategic analysis

There is also the female policy of Marginal Defection to consider. In Marginal Defection, the female (the Protagonist in this game) optimally proceeds just below the threshold at which the male is provoked. This game is mentioned, but not yet named, at the foot of p. 36 of All About Women and described more fully in my forthcoming book ‘Sex & Power.’ Closely associated with Marginal Defection is supra-maximization and Going Too Far (GTF). Supra-maximization is manifest by repeated efficiency drives, being unable to tolerate incidental losses, being unable to throw anything away etc. When employed in Marginal Defection, supra-maximization is expressed by the player trying to achieve the maximum possible payoff; the temptation to do so cannot be resisted. This is one reason why in a feminine environment GTF is inevitable, and ultimately spells the demise of players employing this policy.

Today we have societal mediocrity, institutional incompetence, not only mores but our very identity being defined by an overweening mass media. If we are to analyse this in terms of game strategies, we must consider the possibility that the harmful policies now being promoted are the product not just of misguided delusion, but also of disguised malevolence. In other words, there is a population (the Protagonist) encouraging its opposite player (the Opponent) to follow detrimental policies. I call this Malign Encouragement.

An obvious adjunct to Malign Encouragement would be for the Protagonist to suppress criticism of the policies it promotes. Another adjunct would be to suppress, for example by stigmatisation, any attempt to correct the problems the Protagonist thrives on creating. My experiences are offered as contemporary expressions of these adjunct strategies, and may serve as illustration.

An audience of almost 100 British patriots heard a superb analysis by Mr Taylor of America’s racial transformation. The gospel of liberal “equality” has led to absurd posturing by the U.S. authorities.  Schools and colleges are ordered to produce “equal” academic results for blacks and whites.  Yet the inescapable fact is that such “equality” is impossible to achieve.

The fraudulent promise of equality is supported by both the Democratic and Republican parties.  Mr Taylor stated that the USA was no longer a White country, and that the only realistic political option for Whites is to pursue a separate homeland. After an erudite overview of the present state of America, discussion focused on the various options for such a homeland, from the Pacific Northwest (demographically White for the foreseeable future but politically liberal) to areas of the Deep South such as Mississippi (demographically mixed but with a racially realistic outlook).

A video of Jared Taylor’s address to the Bloomsbury Forum is presently being edited for publication.

On the following day Jared Taylor and his hosts travelled north for a social gathering with Andrew Brons MEP and several nationalist veterans including the Heritage and Destinyteam at a traditional venue in the Pennines.

On April 4th – endorsing his campaign at a UKIP meeting at the Stanhill Working Men’s Club, Oswaldtwistle – Mr Farage was happy to greet Ken Bell, his party’s standard bearer in the Pendle Central division of Lancashire.

Nigel Farage (left) endorsing his party’s Lancashire County Council candidate Ken Bell

The following day Mr Bell’s name duly appeared on the list of candidates published on the council’s website.  Yet by the following Tuesday his name had disappeared from the final list that will appear on the ballot paper next month, when Pendle Central’s voters will not have a UKIP candidate.

Why the hasty withdrawal?

This bust of murderous dictator Joseph Stalin has pride of place on UKIP candidate Ken Bell’s mantlepiece

It turns out that Mr Bell is a hard left supporter of the infamous Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin, whose regime slaughtered millions in his own country and occupied Europe before his death in 1953.

Mr Bell also has a long record of posting offensive messages online. Within hours of Margaret Thatcher’s death on April 8th he wrote:

Thatcher is dead. Sympathies go to His Satanic Majesty for having to host the old whore.

Aware that nationalists within UKIP as well as opposition parties were preparing to expose Bell, UKIP suspended him and ordered him to withdraw his election nomination. The party then began a cover-up, ordering a media blackout on the story.

Yet continuing investigations of Bell’s background indicate that UKIP were fully aware of his views well before he became a candidate.

Bell’s outrageous comment about Mrs Thatcher should have come as no surprise to UKIP’s national and regional officials.  Almost a week earlier – and two days before being publicly endorsed by Nigel Farage – Bell had written in response to a fellow UKIP member who complained about the Left calling Mrs Thatcher a “fascist”:

Yeah, well she was. UKIP has to accept that many of us hated the old slag and everything she stood for.

During the previous week Bell’s Twitter posts were filled with obscenities and references to Tories as “scum” and “lower than vermin”, as well as tasteless remarks about the new Pope and the Queen.

With UKIP aiming to be taken seriously as a threat to the political establishment, their scandalous debacle in Lancashire should be taken seriously as a microcosm of Nigel Farage’s coming political problems.

His party tries to present itself as the voice of disenfranchised White voters: in truth it is a vacuous mess, an ill assorted bunch of extremists united only by their crankery.

No doubt UKIP will poll well in many areas on May 2nd, but a serious post-Griffin movement is urgently needed.

A detailed analysis of the candidates standing at the county council elections on May 2nd reveals that the BNP has lost 80% of its candidates in just four years.

The initial feeble excuse deployed by the party – that it was choosing to concentrate on stronger areas this year – can also be easily exploded.  It turns out that the BNP is standing reasonable slates of candidates just in a few areas that have remained factionally loyal to Nick Griffin, while virtually disappearing in other areas that have many nationalist voters but have ceased to support the Welshpool charlatan.

Far from taking a calculated decision to back away from less winnable contests, the BNP kleptocracy has desperately tried to rally its remaining troops and persuade them to stand somewhere – in fact anywhere!

Hilariously Nick Griffin’s own daughter and son-in-law (Jenny and Angus Matthys) are fighting elections in both Cumbria and Shropshire. Angus is contesting the Currock division of Cumbria and Oswestry East, Shropshire; Jenny is seeking to convince voters in both the Cleator Moor West division of Cumbria and the Oswestry West ward of Shropshire.  Since these areas are 200 miles apart, and it takes three and a half hours to drive from one to the other, Mr and Mrs Matthys will be spending a lot of time on the road if they are to take each campaign seriously.

There are 92 BNP candidates in county council elections this year, plus another seven in unitary authorities, and one standing in a borough council by-election that falls on the same day.

This compares to 464 BNP candidates in various elections on the equivalent day in 2009.

In sixteen council areas or mayoral contests that had one or more BNP candidates in 2009, there are none at all this year.  Admittedly some of these were not nationalist strongholds.

Far more serious is the party’s collapse in what had been its real growth areas. Where there were 48 BNP candidates in Leicestershire last time, there will be only seven this year; the 75 Essex BNP candidates are down to fourteen; Cumbria BNP is down from 41 candidates to nine; while Hertfordshire BNP is almost extinct, down to just a single candidate after fielding 27 last time.

Neither of this year’s mayoral contests – in Doncaster and North Tyneside – will have a BNP candidate.

There are only two counties – Northamptonshire and Worcestershire – where the BNP has survived the last four years in reasonable shape, due to senior activists remaining (for the time being) loyal to Griffin. Yet this does not reflect serious election prospects: there are more BNP candidates here not because they have better electoral prospects, but because Griffinites have been able to scrape a slate together, where they have failed elsewhere.

Of the party’s three county councillors elected in 2009, two are retiring this year while a third – Cllr Graham Partner – has chosen to stand for the new British Democratic Party this year and will have no BNP opponent.

Here is the full breakdown of BNP council candidates:

County Councils

Cumbria: 9 candidates (down from 41)

Derbyshire: 4 candidates (down from 17)

Lancashire: 6 candidates (down from 20)

Leicestershire: 7 candidates (down from 48)

Lincolnshire: 4 candidates (down from 23)

Northamptonshire: 11 candidates (down from 12)

Nottinghamshire: 2 candidates (down from 15)

Staffordshire: 2 candidates (down from 12)

Warwickshire: 8 candidates (down from 14)

Worcestershire: 15 candidates (down from 17)

Essex: 14 candidates (down from 75)

Hampshire: 1 candidate (down from 3)

Hertfordshire: 1 candidate (down from 27)

Kent: 5 candidates (down from 8)

Surrey: 1 candidate (down from 7)

West Sussex: 1 candidate (down from 20)

Devon: 1 candidate (down from 9)

Unitary authorities

Durham: 2 candidates (no election in 2009, down from 30 in 2008)

Shropshire: 5 candidates (down from 10)

BNP wiped out (having previously stood candidates) in Bristol, Cornwall, Wiltshire, Bedford, Central Bedfordshire, Isle of Wight, Buckinghamshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Somerset, North Yorkshire, and East Sussex.